10. Ilan Pappe, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2006), 45.

11. Quoted in ibid., 22. For evidence that the Zionists understood that their fighting forces had a decisive advantage over the Palestinians and that this situation allowed them to pursue aggressive policies against the Palestinians, see ibid., esp. 22-3, 26, 41, 44-46, 70, 79, 84.

12. Morris, 1948 and After, 15.

13. Ibid.

14. Morris, Righteous Victims, 393.

15. On the military balances in the 1956, 1967, and 1973 wars, see Dupuy, Elusive Victory, 146-47, 212-14, 231-44, 333-40, 388-90, 597-605, 623-33; Morris, Righteous Victims, 286-91, 311-13, 393-95; and Van Creveld, The Sword and the Olive, 137-38, 179-82, 239-43.

16. Israel's economy suffered a downturn in 2001-02, after the start of the Second Intifada in October 2000. Most experts believe, however, that the global economic meltdown was largely responsible for that downturn. An article in Forbes in late May 2002 summarizes the conventional wisdom: "The Israeli government and private economists estimate that two-thirds of the savage tumble in Israel's GDP growth, from 6.4% in 2000 to a current rate of zero, was due not to terrorism but to the worldwide slump led by high-tech." David Simons, "Cold Calculation of Terror," Forbes, May 28, 2002. The economy rebounded in 2003-05, even though the Palestinian uprising continued. Also see Emma Clark, "Israel's Neglected Economy," BBC News (online), September 2, 2002; Nadav Morag, "The Economic and Social Effects of Intensive Terrorism: Israel, 2000-2004," Middle East Review of International Affairs 10, no. 3 (September 2006); Neal Sandler, "Israel's Economy: As if the Intifada Weren't Enough," BusinessWeek, June 18, 2001; and Linda Sharaby, "Israel's Economic Growth: Success Without Security," Middle East Review of International Affairs 6, no. 3 (September 2002).

17. Amos Harel, "Israel Maintains Its Strategic Advantage, Says Jaffee Center," Ha'aretz, November 23, 2005. Also see Uri Bar-Joseph, "The Paradox of Israeli Power," Survival 46, no. 4 (Winter 2004-05); and Martin Van Creveld, "Opportunity Beckons," Jerusalem Post, May 16, 2003. The Jaffee Center has now been incorporated into a new institution, the Institute for National Strategic Studies.

18. Alan Dershowitz, "Debunking the Newest—and Oldest—Jewish Conspiracy: A Reply to the Mearsheimer-Walt 'Working Paper,'" John F. Kennedy School of Government Faculty Research Working Paper, Harvard University, April 2006, 22; and Martin Peretz, "Killer Angels: Murdering Jews, Then and Now," New Republic, April 15, 2002, 17-18.

19. Morris, 1948 and After, 11-12. The subsequent Morris quotation in this paragraph is from ibid., 13.

20. Shlomo Ben-Ami, Scars of War, Wounds of Peace: The Israeli-Arab Tragedy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 35-36. Also see Flapan, Birth of Israel, 119-52.

21. This conventional wisdom is reflected in Michael B. Oren, "Did Israel Want the Six-Day War?" Azure 5759, no. 7 (Spring 1999); and Michael B. Oren, Six Days of War: June 1967 and the Making of the Modern Middle East (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002).

22. The best new works on the origins of the 1967 war include Ben-Ami, Scars of War, 96-114; Norman G. Finkelstein, "Abba Eban with Footnotes," Journal of Palestine Studies 32, no. 3 (Spring 2003); Roland Popp, "Stumbling Decidedly into the Six-Day War," Middle East Journal 60, no. 2 (Spring 2006); and Tom Segev, 1967: Israel, the War, and the Year That Transformed the Middle East, trans. Jessica Cohen (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2007).

23. Avi Shlaim, The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World (New York: Norton, 2000), 237.

24. Ibid., 235. Also see Stephen S. Rosenfeld, "Israel and Syria: Correcting the Record," Washington Post, December 24, 1999.

25. Ben-Ami, Scars of War, 100.

26. Segev, 1967, 202-12, 295-96.

27. Quoted in ibid., 300. Also see ibid., 387-88.

28. Quoted in Ben-Ami, Scars of War, 76-77.

29. Morris, Righteous Victims, 387. Also see John J. Mearsheimer, Conventional Deterrence (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983), 155-62.

30. Quoted in Mearsheimer, Conventional Deterrence, 159.

31. Yoram Meital, Peace in Tatters: Israel, Palestine, and the Middle East (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2006), 148-52; Charles A. Radin, "Arabs Offer to Accept Israel with Conditions," Boston Globe, March 29, 2002; and Howard Schneider, "Arab Countries Unanimously Endorse Saudi Peace Plan," Washington Post, March 29, 2002.

32. According to the Law of Return, a "Jew" is defined as "a person who was born of a Jewish mother or has become converted to Judaism and who is not a member of another religion." The actual law and the relevant amendments can be found at Israel's Ministry of Foreign Affairs website, www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/MFAArchive/1950_1959/Law%20of%20Return%205710-1950. There has recently been discussion in Israel about passing legislation to recognize as Jewish those individuals who have a Jewish father but not a Jewish mother. See Shahar Ilan, "Bill Would Recognize Judaism Through Father," Ha'aretz, March 12, 2006.

33. The Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel can be found in John Norton Moore, ed., The Arab-Israeli Conflict: Readings and Documents (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), 934-37.

34. David Ben-Gurion, Israel: A Personal History, trans. Nechemia Meyers and Uzy Nystar (New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1971), 839.

35. These numbers are based on Central Bureau of Statistics, Statistical Abstract of Israel, 2006, Table 2.1, www 1 .cbs.gov.il/reader/; and Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs, Palestine Facts and Info, "Population," www.passia.org/palestine_facts/ facts_and_figures/0_facts_and_figures.htm. There are about 300,000 individuals living in Israel who are defined as "others" by the CBS. Most of them are family members of Jewish immigrants or are individuals who have Jewish ancestors but not a Jewish mother, and are

therefore not categorized as Jewish by the Israeli government. If one categorizes them as Jewish, then the total number of Jews in Israel would be about 5.6 million, not 5.3 million, which is the number the CBS uses.

36. A public opinion survey of Israeli Jews taken in February-March 2007 concluded that "the demographic challenge is of growing urgency to most of the Jewish population and helps define the collective approach to national security issues." Yehuda Ben Meir and Dafna Shaked, "The People Speak: Israeli Public Opinion on National Security, 2005-2007," Memorandum no. 90 (Tel Aviv: Institute for National Security Studies, May 2007), 10, 64-65. Also see Aluf Benn, "Israel's Identity Crisis," Salon.com, May 16, 2005; Larry Derfner, "Sounding the Alarm About Israel's Demographic Crisis," Forward, January 9, 2004; Jon E. Dougherty, "Will Israel Become an Arab State?" NewsMax.com, January 12, 2004; Lily Galili, "A Jewish Demographic State," Ha'aretz, June 28, 2002; and Gideon Levy, "Wombs in the Service of the State," Ha'aretz, September 9, 2002.

37. Shulamit Aloni, "A Country for Some of Its Citizens?" Ha'aretz, February 24, 2007. The Basic Law on Human Dignity and Liberty can be found on the Knesset website, www .knesset.gov.il/laws/special/eng/basic3_eng.htm.

38. Jonathan Cook, Blood and Religion: The Unmasking of the Jewish and Democratic State (Ann Arbor, MI: Pluto Press, 2006), 17-18. Also see Adalah and the Arab Association for Human Rights, "Equal Rights and Minority Rights for the Palestinian Arab Minority in Israel," a report to the UN Human Rights Committee on Israel's Implementation of Articles 26 and 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, July 1998; As'ad Ghanem, Nadim Rouhana, and Oren Yiftachel, "Questioning 'Ethnic Democracy': A Response to Sammy Smooha," Israel Studies 3, no. 2 (Fall 1998); David B. Green, "The Other Israelis," Boston Globe, February 25, 2007; Human Rights Watch, Second Class: Discrimination Against Palestinian Arab Children in Israel's Schools (New York, September 2001), chap. 8; Frances Raday, "Religion, Multiculturalism and Equality: The Israeli Case," in Israel Yearbook on Human Rights, Vol. 25 (1995), ed. Yoram Dinstein (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1996), 193-241; Ahmad H. Sa'di, "Israel as Ethnic Democracy: What Are the Implications for the Palestinian Minority?" Aral? Studies Quarterly 22, no. 1 (Winter 2000); and Sammy Smooha, "Ethnic Democracy: Israel as an Archetype," Israel Studies 2, no. 2 (Fall 1997).

9. "The Official Summation of the Or Commission Report," published in Ha'aretz, September 2, 2003. For evidence of how hostile many Israelis were to the report's findings and recommendations, see "No Avoiding the Commission Recommendations," Ha'aretz editorial, September 4, 2003; and Molly Moore, "Israelis Look Inward After Critical Report," Washington Post, September 3, 2003. Also see Bernard Avishai, "Saving Israel from Itself: A Secular Future for the Jewish State," Harper's, January 2005; Ian Lustick, Arabs in the Jewish State: Israel's Control of a National Minority (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); and Chris McGreal, "Worlds Apart," Guardian, February 6, 2006.

40. Roee Nahmias, "Marriage to an Arab Is National Treason," Ynetnews.com, March 27, 2007; and Yoav Stern, "Poll: 50% of Israeli Jews Support State-Backed Arab Emigration," Ha'aretz, March 27, 2007. For similar results in a 2006 survey, see Eli Ashkenazi and Jack Khoury, "Poll: 68% of Jews Would Refuse to Live in Same Building as an Arab," Ha'aretz, March 22, 2006; Chris McGreal, "41% of Israel's Jews Favor Segregation," Guardian, March 24, 2006; Sharon Roffe-Ofir, "Poll: Israeli Jews Shun Arabs," Ynetnews.com, March 22, 2006; and Kenneth J. Theisen, "Racism Alive and Well in Israel?" Pittsburgh Independent Media Center (online), June 1, 2006.

41. Israeli Democracy Institute, "The Democracy Index: Major Findings 2003." This summary of the report can be found at www.idi.org.il/english/article.asp?id=1466.

42. According to a 2007 public opinion survey, 63 percent of Israeli Jews oppose including an Arab minister in the cabinet. In 2004, 75 percent opposed the idea, while 60 percent opposed it in 2005 and 2006. Ben Meir and Shaked, "The People Speak," 80. Also see ibid., 22, 79-82; Orly Halpern, "Arab Cabinet Pick Stirs 'Zionism-Racism' Debate," Forward, January 19, 2007; Gil Hoffman, '"Majadleh Slot the End of Zionism,'" Jerusalem Post, January 10,

2007; Ronny Sofer, "Cabinet Approves First Arab Minister," Ynetnews.com, January 28, 2007; and Scott Wilson, "In First, Arab Muslim Joins Israeli Cabinet," Washington Post, January 29, 2007.

43. Quoted in Justin Huggler, "Israel Imposes 'Racist' Marriage Law," Independent, August 1,

2003. Also see James Bennet, "Israel Blocks Palestinians from Marrying into Residency,"

New York Times, July 31, 2003; "Racist Legislation," Ha'aretz editorial, July, 19, 2004;

"Racist Legislation," Ha'aretz editorial, January 18, 2005; and Shahar Ilan, "Law Denying

Family Unification to Israelis and Palestinians Extended," Ha'aretz, March 21, 2007. Even

the Anti-Defamation League criticized the legislation, albeit mildly. Nathan Guttman, Yair

Ettinger, and Sharon Sadeh, "ADL Criticizes Law Denying Citizenship to Palestinians Who

Marry Israelis," Ha'aretz, August 5, 2003.

44. Quoted in Tovah Tzimuki, "Government Supports Revocation of Citizenship," Ynetnews.com, January 8, 2007. Also see Saed Bannoura, "Israeli Knesset Passes Law to Revoke Citizenship of'Unpatriotic' Israelis," International Middle East Media Center (online), January 10, 2007; Sheera Claire Frenkel, "'Disloyalty' Bill Passes First Hurdle," Jerusalem Post, January 10, 2007; Tom Segev, "Conditional Citizenship," Ha'aretz, January 11, 2007; and Yuval Yoaz, "Government to Back Bill Allowing Court to Rescind Traitors' Citizenship," Ha'aretz, January 7, 2007.

45. Quoted in Larry Derfner, "Rattling the Cage: A Bigot Called Bibi," Jerusalem Post, January 3, 2007. Also see Aluf Benn and Gideon Alon, "Netanyahu: Israel's Arabs Are the Real Demographic Threat," Ha'aretz, December 18, 2003; Ron Dermer, "The Nerve of Bibi," Jerusalem Post, January 9, 2007; Karina's Kolumn (Karina Robinson), "Benjamin Netanyahu: Israel's Prime Minister in Waiting," Banker (online), July 1, 2004; and Neta Sela, "Netanyahu: Pensions Cut—Arabs' Birth Rate Declined," Ynetnews.com, January 3, 2007.

46. These statements are not isolated examples. In early 2004, for example, Deputy Defense Minister Ze'ev Boim suggested that Palestinian terrorism is due to a "genetic blemish." His views were supported by another member of the Knesset, who said that terrorism is "in their blood," which is why an Arab "will stab you in the back" if you "turn your back" on him. Even Benny Morris, the historian whose earlier scholarship has done so much to reveal Israel's true policies toward the Palestinians, has nonetheless referred to them as "barbarians" who should be treated like "serial killers." Begins comment is from Amnon Kapeliuk, "Begin and the 'Beasts,'" New Statesman, June 25, 1982, 12. Eitan's comments are from David K. Shipler, "Most West Bank Arabs Blaming U.S. for Impasse," NewYork Times, April 14, 1983; and Uzi Benziman, Sharon: An Israeli Caesar (NewYork: Adama Books, 1985), 264. Ya'alon's comment is from Ari Shavit, "The Enemy Within," Ha'aretz, August 27, 2002. Boim's comment and his supporter's comments are from Yuval Yoaz, "AG: Ethics Committee to Probe Racist Comments Made by MKs," Ha'aretz, August 10, 2004. Morris's comment is from Ari Shavit, "Survival of the Fittest," Ha'aretz, January 9, 2004.

47. Larry Derfner, "Rattling the Cage: The Racism of Israeli Youth," Jerusalem Post, January 17, 2007. Also see Ahiya Raved, "Youth Believe Arabs Dirty, Uneducated," Ynetnews.com, January 9, 2007.

48. Quoted in Ben Lynfield, "The Rise of Avigdor Lieberman," Nation, December 14, 2006. Also see Uri Avnery, "The Lovable Man"? Lieberman and the Decline of Israeli Democracy," Antiwar.com, November 3, 2006; Akiva Eldar, "Let's Hear It for the Haiders," Ha'aretz, October 30, 2006; Leonard Fein, "The Fantasies of Avigdor Lieberman," Forward, October 20, 2006; Gershom Gorenberg, "The Minister for National Fears," Atlantic, May 2007; and Henry Siegman, "Hurricane Carter," Nation, January 22, 2007. Effi Eitam, the former head of the National Religious party, and Rehavam Ze'evi, an Israeli general who founded the right-wing Moledet party, were the previous government ministers who spoke out in favor of transfer.

49. "The Democracy Index: Major Findings 2003"; Yulie Khromchenko, "Survey: Most Jewish Israelis Support Transfer of Arabs," Ha'aretz, June 22, 2004; Yoav Stern, "Poll: Most Israeli Jews Say Israeli Arabs Should Emigrate," Ha'aretz, April 4, 2005; McGreal, "41% of Israel's

Jews"; Amiram Barkat and Jack Khoury, "Poll: Gov't Should Help Arab Citizens Emigrate," Ha'aretz, May 10, 2006; and Roffe-Ofir, "Poll." Also see Uzi Arad, "Swap Meet: Trading Land for Peace," New Republic, November 28 and December 5, 2005; Amnon Barzilai, "More Israeli Jews Favor Transfer of Palestinians, Israeli Arabs—Poll Finds," Ha'aretz, October 10, 2005; Arik Carmon, "A Blot on Israeli Democracy," Ha'aretz, December 12, 2005; Evelyn Gordon, "No Longer the Political Fringe," Jerusalem Post, September 14, 2006; Ben Lynfield, "Israeli Expulsion Idea Gains Steam," Christian Science Monitor, February 6, 2002; Stern, "Poll: 50% of Israeli Jews"; Matthew Wagner, "New Proposal: Transfer-for-Cash Plan," Jerusalem Post, January 21, 2007; and Steven I. Weiss, "Israeli Rightist Calls for Transfer of Arabs," Forward, September 15, 2006.

50. BTselem, "The Scope of Israeli Control in the Gaza Strip," www.btselem.org/english/ Gaza_Strip/Gaza_Status.asp; David Sharrock, "Israel's 'Invisible Hand' Still Controls Gaza, Says Report," Times (London), January 15, 2007; and Scott Wilson, "For Gaza, a Question of Responsibility," Washington Post, March 21, 2007.

51. Jan Egeland and Jan Eliasson, "La catastrophe humaine de Gaza est une bombe a retarde-ment," Figaro (online), September 28, 2006. Also see Steven Erlanger, "As Parents Go Unpaid, Gaza Children Go Hungry," New York Times, September 14, 2006; Steven Erlanger, "Years of Strife and Lost Hope Scar Young Palestinians," New York Times, March 12, 2007; Donald Macintyre, "Gaza in Danger of Turning into a 'Giant Prison,' Says Mideast Envoy," Independent, November 14, 2005; Rory McCarthy, "Occupied Gaza Like Apartheid South Africa, Says UN Report," Guardian, February 23, 2007; Sara Roy, "The Economy of Gaza," Znet (online), October 9, 2006; Mohammed Samhouri, "Looking Beyond the Numbers: The Palestinian Socioeconomic Crisis of 2006," Middle East Brief no. 16, Crown Center for Middle East Studies, Brandeis University, February 2007; United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), "Statement on Gaza by United Nations Humanitarian Agencies Working in the Occupied Palestinian Territory," August 3, 2006; and OCHA, 'The Humanitarian Monitor: Occupied Palestinian Territory," no. 10, February 2007.

52. "Making the Law a Laughingstock," Ha'aretz editorial, December 31, 2006.

53. Steven Erlanger, "West Bank Sites on Private Land, Data Shows," New York Times, March 14, 2007; Nadav Shragai, "Peace Now: 32% of Land Held for Settlements Is Private Property," Ha'aretz, March 14, 2007. Also see Greg Myre, "For West Bank, It's a Highway to Frustration," New York Times, November 18, 2006; and "Legitimization of Land Theft," Ha'aretz editorial, February 27, 2007.

54. The first wave of European Jews to come to Palestine is known as the First Aliyah, and it covers the years from 1882 to 1903. There were slightly more than fifteen thousand Jews in Palestine in 1882 according to the Ottoman census. Justin McCarthy, The Population of Palestine: Population History and Statistics of the Late Ottoman Period and the Mandate (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), 10-13, has excellent data for the years from 1850 to 1915. However, McCarthy's numbers, which are based on Ottoman census figures, exclude "an unknown number of Jewish immigrants who had kept their original citizenship." He notes further that "there would have been relatively few non-citizen Jews at that early date" and estimates the number as "perhaps one to two thousand." Thus the upper bound is probably seventeen thousand Jews in Palestine in 1882. Also see Mark Tessler, A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), 124.

55. The total population of Palestine in 1893 was roughly 530,000, of whom about 19,000 (3.6 percent) were Jewish. Arabs comprised the vast majority of the remaining population. McCarthy, Population of Palestine, 10.

56. This issue was revisited in the mid-1980s when Joan Peters published From Time Immemorial: The Origins of the Arab-Jewish Conflict over Palestine (New York: Harper, 1984). She claimed that when the Jews began arriving in Palestine from Europe, there were far fewer Arabs there than the conventional wisdom maintained, and that the Arabs moved to Palestine in large numbers only after the Jews began to develop the land. Peters's book was en

thusiastically endorsed by a large number of prominent American Jews. However, shortly after its publication, a number of scholars showed that not only was From Time Immemorial based on a "highly tendentious use—or neglect—of the available source material," but its core thesis was dead wrong. Yehoshua Porath, "Mrs. Peters's Palestine," New York Review of Books, January 16, 1986. In a conversation with the New York Times, Porath, a distinguished Israeli historian, said that Peters's book was "a sheer forgery" and that in Israel it "was almost universally dismissed as sheer rubbish except maybe as a propaganda weapon." Colin Campbell, "Dispute Flares over Book on Claims to Palestine," New York Times, November 28, 1985. Also see Norman G. Finkelstein, Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict (London: Verso, 2001), chap. 2.

57. Laurence J. Silberstein, The Postzionism Debates: Knowledge and Power in Israeli Culture

(NewYork: Routledge, 1999), 51.

58. Ben-Ami, Scars of War, 9.

59. There were about 1.2 million Palestinians in addition to the 650,000 Jews living in Palestine in 1948, which translates into a population that was 65 percent Palestinian and 35 percent Jewish. See Morris, 1948 and After, 14. Flapan uses population figures in which the Jews are 33 percent of the population (Birth of Israel, 44), while Morris uses 37 percent in Righteous Victims (186).

60. Some believe that Ben-Gurion and his followers had less ambitious territorial goals than Revisionists like Vladimir Jabotinsky. But as Avi Shlaim makes clear, "The difference between [Ben-Gurion] and the Revisionists was not that he was a territorial minimalist while they were territorial maximalists, but rather that he pursued a gradualist strategy while they adhered to an all-or-nothing approach." Shlaim, Iron Wall, 21. The Zionists were careful not to say much in public about their ultimate goals in Palestine, for fear it would anger the Arabs and the British and undermine their enterprise. Nevertheless, Ben-Gurion laid out his vision of what the borders of Israel would look like in a coauthored book that was written in Yiddish and published in the United States in 1918. In addition to what is today Israel, Ben-Gurion's vision included the Occupied Territories, southern Lebanon up to the Litani River, part of southern Syria, a large part of Jordan, and the Sinai Peninsula. Morris, Righteous Victims, 75.

61. Flapan, Birth of Israel, 103-104; and Morris, Birth Revisited, 69.

62. These quotes are from Flapan, Birth of Israel, 22; and Shlaim, Iron Wall, 21. For a more detailed discussion of the early Zionists' thinking about partition, see Mearsheimer and Walt, "Setting the Record Straight," 33-37.

63. Uri Ben-Eliezer, The Making of Israeli Militarism (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998), 150.

64. Avi Shlaim, The Politics of Partition: King Abdullah, the Zionists, and Palestine, 1921-1951 (NewYork: Oxford University Press, 1998). Also see Morris, 1948 and After, 10; Benny Morris, The Road to Jerusalem: Glubb Pasha, Palestine and the Jews (London: I. B. Tauris, 2002); Ilan Pappe, Britain and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948-1951 (NewYork: St. Martin's Press, 1988); and Mary C. Wilson, King Abdullah, Britain and the Making of Jordan (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987).

65. Benny Morris, "Revisiting the Palestinian Exodus of 1948," in The War for Palestine: Rewriting the History of 1948, ed. Eugene L. Rogan and Avi Shlaim (NewYork: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 40. Also see Ben-Ami, Scars of War, 33-34; and Shlaim, Iron Wall, 25.

66. Nur Masalha, Expulsion of the Palestinians: The Concept of "Transfer" in Zionist Political Thought, 1882-1948 (Washington, DC: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1992); Morris, Birth Revisited, chap. 2; and Morris, "Revisiting the Palestinian Exodus," 39-48.

67. Quoted in Masalha, Expulsion of the Palestinians, 128. Also see Morris, Righteous Victims, 140, 142, 168-69. Ben-Gurion's statement is from a memorandum he wrote prior to the Extraordinary Zionist Conference at New York's Biltmore Hotel in May 1942.

68. Quoted in Michael Bar-Zohar, Facing a Cruel Mirror: Israel's Moment of Truth (New York: Scribner, 1990), 16.

69. Quoted in Shavit, "Survival of the Fittest." Also see Benny Morris, "A New Exodus for the Middle East?" Guardian, October 3, 2002. Ben-Gurion told the Central Committee of the Histadrut on December 30, 1947: "In the area allocated to the Jewish state there are not more than 520,000 Jews and about 350,000 non-Jews, mostly Arabs. Together with the Jews of Jerusalem, the total population of the Jewish state at the time of its establishment, will be about a million, including almost 40 percent non-Jews. Such a [population] composition does not provide a stable basis for a Jewish state. This [demographic] fact must be viewed in all its clarity and acuteness. With such a [population] composition, there cannot even be absolute certainty that control will remain in the hands of the Jewish majority . . . There can be no stable and strong Jewish state so long as it has a Jewish majority of only 60 percent." Quoted in Masalha, Expulsion of the Palestinians, 176.

70. Quoted in Morris, Righteous Victims, 169.

71. Morris, "Revisiting the Palestinian Exodus," 43-44.

72. Morris's Birth Revisited and Pappe's Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine provide detailed accounts of this event. Also see Meron Benvenisti, Sacred Landscape: The Buried History of the Holy Land Since 1948, trans. Maxine Kaufman-Lacusta (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), chaps. 3-4; and Masalha, Expulsion of the Palestinians, chp. 5. Morris notes that "the haphazard thinking about transfer before 1937 and the virtual consensus in support of the notion from 1937 on contributed to what happened in 1948 in the sense that they conditioned the Zionist leadership, and below it, the officials and officers who managed the new state's civilian and military agencies, for the transfer that took place. To one degree or another, these men all arrived at 1948, in no small measure owing to the continuous anti-Zionist Arab violence which played out against the growing persecution of Diaspora Jewry in central and eastern Europe, with a mindset which was open to the idea and implementation of transfer and expulsion. And the transfer that occurred—which encountered almost no serious opposition from any part of the Yishuv—transpired smoothly in large measure because of this pre-conditioning." Morris, "Revisiting the Palestinian Exodus," 48.

73. Erskine Childers, "The Other Exodus," Spectator, May 12, 1961; Flapan, Birth of Israel, 81-118; Walid Khalidi, "Why Did the Palestinians Leave Revisited," Journal of Palestine Studies 34, no. 2 (Winter 2005); Walid Khalidi, "The Fall of Haifa," Middle East Forum 35, no. 10 (December, 1959); Morris, Birth Revisited; and Pappe, Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, 131. To be sure, some Arab commanders did instruct Palestinian civilians to evacuate their homes during the fighting, either to make sure that they did not get caught in a firefight or to ensure that they were not killed by the Zionist forces engaged in ethnically cleansing Palestinians. Fear of death at the hands of the Jews was an especially powerful motive to evacuate villages after the infamous massacre at Deir Yassin, where about 100 to 110 Palestinians were murdered on April 9, 1948. Morris, Righteous Victims, 209. As Morris reports, "The IDF Intelligence Service called Deir Yassin a decisive accelerating factor' in the general Arab exodus." Righteous Victims, 209. Orders to evacuate of this kind are not related to the myth of a voluntary or elite-directed evacuation. See Ben-Ami, Scars of War, 43-44.

74. Quoted in Morris, Birth Revisited, 318. For more detail on the Zionists' opposition to allowing the Palestinian refugees to return to their homes, see ibid., chap. 5.

75. Baruch Kimmerling, Zionism and Territory: The Socio-Territorial Dimensions of Zionist Politics (Berkeley, CA: Institute of International Studies, 1983), 143.

76. Pappe, Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, xiii. Also see Walid Khalidi, ed., All That Remains: The Palestinian Villages Occupied and Depopulated by Israel in 1948 (Washington, DC: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1992), which identifies the number of villages destroyed as 418, not 531. The difference in the number is a result of varying definitions of what constituted a Palestinian village. Pappe and several other Palestinian historians include some smaller communities in their count of villages, while Khalidi excludes them. Correspondence between authors and Ilan Pappe, May 15, 2007.

77. Quoted in Khalidi, All That Remains, xxxi.